The 2004 European parliamentary elections showed a record low turnout and a shift towards Eurosceptic parties. Especially if one is interested in questions involving several issues and countries across a longer period of time, measuring actors' influence and position in public debates can be a reasonably accurate proxy for policy influence and policy positions, which are often hard to measure in more direct ways. This book documents in detail who raises which issues with whom and to whom in the European public sphere. The above results suggest that nationally confined public debates are strongly biased towards actors who command strong institutional power. Mass Media: Performance, Claim Making and Framing: 5. However, it is also so the other way around.
Paul Statham, Ruud Koopmans, Anke Tresch and Julie Firmstone; Conclusion: 11. However, this does not make monetary politics an exception to the general rule that resourceful actors dominate the public debate since the majority of civil society claims in this field are made by employers and firms 16 per cent and economic and financial experts 17 per cent. By contrast, the share of labour unions declines from 14 per cent in to 10 per cent in and pensioners' organisations are completely absent among the Europeanised claims. The European Parliament's role is largest in discussions on European integration, but even there its share 24 per cent is only a third of that of the various branches of the European executive 71 per cent. However, these averages hide important differences between actors. A must-read if you want to understand why the European Union and its policies are becoming ever more contentious.
The codebook, as well as the results of an extensive and successful reliability test, are available on our project website at:. The European Union and the public sphere: conceptual issues, political tensions, moral concerns, empirical questions Jos de Beus; 2. Such an erosion of the contribution of parliaments and political parties to public debates on Europeanised issues seems problematic from the normative point of view of democratic legitimacy and accountability. Our guiding hypothesis is that collective actors' subjective attitude towards Europe reflects the degree to which they profit from the Europeanisation of public debates. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp. The media, finally, are expected to fall somewhere in between, but more on the supportive side. It is far from us to advocate a simplistic, monocausal explanation of support for European institutions and the integration process.
We suggest that the strong association between policy influence and influence in public debates opens up new possibilities for employing methodologies similar to the one we have used as a complement to traditional policy analyses. Elites can no longer take public support for granted. It is by far the most far-reaching and empirically grounded study on the Europeanization of media discourse and political contention to date, and a must-read for anyone interested in how European integration changes democratic politics and why European integration has become increasingly contested. His research focuses on citizenship and immigration, European integration, social movements and collective action, and evolutionary sociology. However, this leaves open the possibility that there may be qualitative aspects of Europeanised political communication that contribute to the democratic deficit.
Media Reform coordinates the work of advocacy groups campaigning to protect the public interest in light of the Leveson Inquiry and Communications Review. European Public Debates: Visibility and Inclusiveness: 3. In , we investigate whether these patterns hold if we look at general support for or opposition to the European integration process. Finally, participation of citizens in the European policy process usually requires access to the mass media. Behind debates over Europe's 'democratic deficit' is a deeper concern: whether democratic politics can perform effectively under conditions of Europeanization and globalization. Whereas almost all actors were on average critical of European institutions, with the single and only slight exception of farmers, no category of actors is on average opposed to European integration.
Studies in Migration and Diaspora. Legislative actors likewise differ from other state actors because they are directly elected by and responsible to the public. This alternative reading of our results does not strike us as convincing because there is no reason why actors who are opposed to European policies and institutions would refrain from mobilising on the European level, from addressing European policies and institutions, or from asking their national governments to do something about them. Conclusions and discussion Earlier work has shown that the main problem regarding the Europeanisation of political communication is not of a quantitative nature. It shows how European integration is debated in mass media, and how this affects democratic inclusiveness. Often this takes the form of overviews of voices from foreign media, either on important national controversies that have aroused attention abroad, or on common European issues. European integration shifts the distribution of political opportunities to influence public debates, improving the relative influence of some collective actors, and weakening that of others.
For most actors, a close correspondence is found between how Europeanisation affects their influence in the public debate, on the one hand, and their public support for, or opposition to, European institutions and the integration process, on the other. Political Actors: Collective Action and Party Competition: 9. It shows how European integration is debated in mass media The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere — Wikipedia The public sphere. I also gratefully acknowledge the insight and dedication of the junior researchers, postdocs and student assistents who coded the data used here: Silke Adam, Olivier Baisnée, Barbara Berkel, Jovanka Boerefijn, Manuela Caiani, Corinne Dönges, Jessica Erbe, Julie Firmstone, Elisa González Galán, Emily Gray, Olivier Grojean, Valentin Henzler, Margit Jochum, Carolina de Miguel, Yuki Kobler, Jeannette Mak, Tobias Schlecht, Anke Tresch, Sara Valenza, Mattias Voigt, Tijmen de Vries and Ann Zimmermann. As any other form of resource deployment, discursive framing is a matter of choice under conditions of limited resources and opportunities. Political party contestation: emerging Euroscepticism or a normalization of Eurocriticism? Interviewees are: Johanna Baehr, Beate Ratter, Michael Funk, Jin-Song von Storch, Eduardo Zorita, Michael Brzoska, Sebastian Sonntag, Anke Allner, Heinke Schlünzen, Benjamin Runkle, Nicole Kruse and Andreas Schmidt.
The only consistent exception to this rule are science, research and other professionals, who are more than average supportive of European integration even though they are underrepresented in Europeanised public debates. Legislative and party actors — those actors from the core of the political system who are directly accountable to the electorate — are much less well represented in Europeanised public debates, both in an absolute sense and even more so relative to government and executive actors. He also co-edited Challenging Immigration and Ethnic Relations Politics. Elites can no longer take public support for granted. This may lead to increased media attention for actors from one European country in the national news media of another country. He has published in leading journals such as the American Journal of Sociology, the American Sociological Review, the European Journal of Political Research, Evolution and Human Behavior, the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Mobilization, Social Problems, Theory and Society, and West European Politics.